Compromise of 1850

Compromise Measures of 1850 or the Compromise of 1850, was a series of five legislative enactments, passed by the U.S. Congress during August and September 1850. These measures, essentially the work of Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky, were designed to reconcile the political differences then dividing the antislavery and proslavery factions of Congress and the nation. The measures, sometimes referred to collectively as the Omnibus Bill, dealt chiefly with the question of whether slavery was to be sanctioned or prohibited in the regions acquired from Mexico as a result of the Mexican War.

Two of the five measures represented concessions by the South to the North, authorizing abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia and admission of California as a free state.

The third bill, a substantial concession to the South, was the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850*, which provided for the return of runaway slaves to their masters; the subsequent enforcement of this law was bitterly opposed by the abolitionists, who obtained broad popular support on this issue in the North.

By the terms of the fourth measure, the territory east of California ceded to the United States by Mexico was divided into the territories of New Mexico (now New Mexico and Arizona) and Utah, and they were opened to settlement by both slaveholders and antislavery settlers. This measure superseded the Missouri Compromise of 1820.

The fifth measure provided that Texas, already in the Union as a slave state, be awarded $10 million in settlement of claims to adjoining territory, further strengthening the South. The compromise measures resulted in a gradual intensification of the hostility between the slave and free states.


*Fugitive Slave Laws were acts passed by the United States Congress in 1793 and 1850, which were intended to facilitate the recapture and extradition of runaway slaves and to commit the federal government to the legitimacy of holding property in slaves. Both laws ultimately provoked dissatisfaction and rancor throughout the country.

Northerners questioned the laws' infringements on civil liberty and deplored the national character they lent to the South's institution. Southerners complained that the laws were circumvented both because of legal deficiencies (especially the law of 1793) and growing popular hostility to enforcement. The controversy grew with the Republic itself.

Northern Resistence to the Laws

Owing to northern resentments, the acts of 1793 and 1850 faced legal challenges, primarily in the form of jurisdictional disputes over state personal liberty laws. In Prigg v. Pennsylvania (1842), the U.S. Supreme Court had ruled against a Pennsylvania citizenship statute and upheld the first fugitive slave law's constitutionality. Nevertheless, some states continued to pass laws strengthening the applicability of habeas corpus writs and prohibiting state officials from accepting jurisdiction under federal law.

In Ohio, the chief objective was less a desire to expand black rights than to ensure that outright kidnapping was not condoned. (Ohio did not repeal its virulently discriminatory Black Code until 1849.) Southerners objected strenuously to personal liberty laws as a violation of sectional equity and reciprocal trust; but the 1850 act, seen in the North as punitive and tyrannical, only aroused greater sectional animosities. Northern opposition was most dramatically illustrated when an abolitionist Boston mob tried to rescue Anthony Burns, a fugitive from Virginia, in May 1854. The mission failed. Commissioner Edward Loring had Burns remanded to slavery, and U.S. troops escorted him through sullen crowds to a waiting ship. The effort cost the federal government more than $100,000.

The legal conflict that pitted northern personal liberty statutes against federal fugitive slave measures reflected the concepts of double sovereignty that citizens of the federated Union then entertained. Southerners insisted on the sovereignty of the states, but in this controversy northerners "nullified" unwelcome federal laws. Although the constitutionality of the fugitive slave laws was unquestioned, only the force of arms could finally define the nature of the Union, its source of authority, and the boundaries of liberty.


(See Bibliography below)

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Bibliography: Berwanger, Eugene H., The Frontier Against Slavery (1967); Foner, Eric, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (1970); Holt, M. F., The Political Crisis of the 1850's (1983); Rawley, James A., Race and Politics: Bleeding Kansas and the Coming of the Civil War (1969; repr. 1979); Rozwenc, E., ed., The Compromise of 1850 (1957).

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